I've had a minor hormonal imbalance for years, and today I asked my doctor if there were some procedures or tests that I could undergo to finally discover the root cause. (I'm an academic with leanings towards political economy and explanation, after all.)
In more genteel language, he said that only my (inevitable) decision to get knocked up would merit an investigation into these underlying health concerns. What bothered me was that my health, in his eyes, was made significant only in relation to my female ability to reproduce and bear children. Is he of the "women are just ovaries with legs" school or, giving him the benefit of the doubt, simply a young general practitioner who does not follow current medical and biomedical research which increasingly emphasizes the complex roles that hormones play in longevity, weight loss/gain, predisposition to certain cancers, nutritional absorption, I.E. OVERALL HUMAN HEALTH?
Let's look at it this way. General practitioners hold certain preconceived associations between hormones and gender, which stems more broadly from their ideas about what are significant health concerns depending on a patient's gender. Men tend to benefit from a more holistic, or at least amplified list of ailments and maladies that can result from some type of hormonal dysfunction. This is quite simplified, of course, but it spells out my point:
Hormones + Women = The ability to get pregnant, the inability to get pregnant, or a desire to get pregnant in the future.
Hormones + Men = Virility, but also more robust health conditions such as prostate cancer, hair loss, heart health, etc. etc.
Men too suffer from a bias towards their virility. I am not arguing along the lines that women always have it worse, but anything related to hormones and women is almost indefinitely related to their superior capacity or weaknesses in relation to getting a bun in the oven!
I love how I can be reduced to my female parts in a second, from the aspiring educator and academic that I am working hard to be, one day.
A loud, guttural WHOOPEE for womanhood!
Wednesday, November 27, 2013
Thursday, November 21, 2013
Love for a Frankenstein
Sao Paulo, I love you, you broken, messed up thing.
How I wish I were in the interior of you, in the middle of a cane field sitting around a bonfire and sinking my toes into your fertile red earth.
Sao Paulo, urban and rural, que saudade.
How I wish I were in the interior of you, in the middle of a cane field sitting around a bonfire and sinking my toes into your fertile red earth.
Sao Paulo, urban and rural, que saudade.
Tuesday, October 29, 2013
Grad School Glamor Days
The most nourishment that I got post-noon today was from a packet of Splenda that I sucked dry and the wood coffee stirrer that I chewed on after to satiate my hunger (both nabbed from the department's Tuesday lectures refreshments table). This was all ravenously consumed while I gave my usual section lecture to the MAs....I'm grad school glamorous!
Wednesday, October 23, 2013
"Why is there so much wretchedness, so much poverty in this fabulous land...? Ah, says one - it is the priests' fault; another blames it on the military; still others on the Indian; on the foreigner; on democracy; on dictatorship; on bookishness; on ignorance; or finally on divine punishment."
- Daniel Cosio Villegas
- Daniel Cosio Villegas
Friday, October 11, 2013
When slum tourism is too much - or was it always?
As I was walking home from grocery shopping one day, I literally stumbled into
a now mundane sighting in Rocinha, and in many slums and favelas of the first
and third worlds. On a corner near the entrance to my neighborhood loitered a
very blonde group of Europeanish-looking people who were laughing and
gesticulating wildly. What looked like the teenage daughter of one of the
middle-aged couples was mounting the motorcycle of one of the local PMs
(Military Police). The two PMs, who were usually stationed on that corner,
thought it was rather funny too, and went posing next to the blonde girl on the
motorcycle.
What struck me as memorable about this scene was that I found it, well, rather vulgar - vulgar in that it caused a sense of revulsion in me on the part of their apparent innocence. The blonde Europeans had no pretensions about what they were doing. The scene could have been taken straight from Orlando, with the young girl being marveled at while sitting in the car of some ride. But instead of being surrounded by Disney characters and sand, she was framed by the bulk of the PM’s machine guns and body armor while standing near some leftover sewage from the previous night’s heavy rains.
Who knows why they were there. They could have been there to see the “real” slums that they had probably seen in the film The City of God, or maybe they had fallen into a tour promoted by their hotel. They were there to take pictures, satisfy their curiosity about a world they believed so inconceivably different from their own, and then leave. No volunteer work or missionary yearnings involved, that was certain. (I’ve become pretty accurate at this point in stereotyping the gringo foreigners here, myself included). They were definitely not there for one of the Favela Funk ragers. Those happen at night, and the transition to the presence of PM in favela life and the reorganization of social services has made them scarcer, anyways.
I have no real contributions to this ongoing debate on slum tourism. I just find it hard not to gawk at slum tourists, as they gawk and point their cameras at the environment in which they've swiped their visas to insert themselves. I like London Times columnist Alice Mill’s labeling of Slum Dog Millionaire as “poverty porn,” because it succinctly captures the voyeuristic pleasure which many people get from this form of consuming poverty. We can pay for it without getting our hands dirty, and fold it into a memory that we can later exchange with others. I was hit on in a bar once in New York by a Princeton grad who claimed that the Favela Funk party that he went to during his travels in Rio was the most “eye-opening” experience of his life, while a homeless woman begged outside of the bar…
When I’m not in Brazil I live in Harlem, New York City, and the voyeuristic industry of
What struck me as memorable about this scene was that I found it, well, rather vulgar - vulgar in that it caused a sense of revulsion in me on the part of their apparent innocence. The blonde Europeans had no pretensions about what they were doing. The scene could have been taken straight from Orlando, with the young girl being marveled at while sitting in the car of some ride. But instead of being surrounded by Disney characters and sand, she was framed by the bulk of the PM’s machine guns and body armor while standing near some leftover sewage from the previous night’s heavy rains.
Who knows why they were there. They could have been there to see the “real” slums that they had probably seen in the film The City of God, or maybe they had fallen into a tour promoted by their hotel. They were there to take pictures, satisfy their curiosity about a world they believed so inconceivably different from their own, and then leave. No volunteer work or missionary yearnings involved, that was certain. (I’ve become pretty accurate at this point in stereotyping the gringo foreigners here, myself included). They were definitely not there for one of the Favela Funk ragers. Those happen at night, and the transition to the presence of PM in favela life and the reorganization of social services has made them scarcer, anyways.
I have no real contributions to this ongoing debate on slum tourism. I just find it hard not to gawk at slum tourists, as they gawk and point their cameras at the environment in which they've swiped their visas to insert themselves. I like London Times columnist Alice Mill’s labeling of Slum Dog Millionaire as “poverty porn,” because it succinctly captures the voyeuristic pleasure which many people get from this form of consuming poverty. We can pay for it without getting our hands dirty, and fold it into a memory that we can later exchange with others. I was hit on in a bar once in New York by a Princeton grad who claimed that the Favela Funk party that he went to during his travels in Rio was the most “eye-opening” experience of his life, while a homeless woman begged outside of the bar…
When I’m not in Brazil I live in Harlem, New York City, and the voyeuristic industry of
poverty tourism has also reached the home of the Apollo Theater. Tourists are taken down 125th Street in those big double-decker red buses to take
pictures of all the “important” landmarks of Harlem, such as the Apollo, maybe
Bill Clinton’s old office building. Hit-it-and-quit-it would be an appropriate
addition to Mill’s denunciating alliteration, since a commonality in these
anecdotes is the ephemeral interactions with the poor that happen behind glass
windows, or within the planned narrative of the tour guide, which many people
really do “get off” on and later insist to friends or strangers to have had
profound effects on their personal development, spirituality, etc., etc.
Does
a slum tourist become a “better” person, once the tour is over? What about
people living in first-world poverty? Will their experiences be of real value
only when somebody can curate their poverty for them, and they can pay for it?
Thursday, August 1, 2013
A Left deferred.
I find it amusing and also disappointing how many American intellectuals who write about Brazil employ popular tropes used to explain the failings of the U.S. political and economic system to interpret the current unrest here.
According to a recent AP article, Brazilians are protesting primarily because of high tax rates (and not because of habitual corruption, inequality, sexism, or flagrantly disproportional investments in World Cup and Olympic games). In a similar vein, an urban planner at the New School's Milano writes that, if the provision of public services in some slums in Rio were reduced, then there would be less migration to these places. Implying that migration, and not living one's days in sewer water or suffering from high incidences of tuberculosis engendered by these very deficits in physical and state infrastructures, is the main problem experienced by the poorest of Brazilians.
Aren't you suppose to be the critical and erring Left, and not another wheel in the machine that reproduces mainstream discourse, reinforcing these flawed understandings?
According to a recent AP article, Brazilians are protesting primarily because of high tax rates (and not because of habitual corruption, inequality, sexism, or flagrantly disproportional investments in World Cup and Olympic games). In a similar vein, an urban planner at the New School's Milano writes that, if the provision of public services in some slums in Rio were reduced, then there would be less migration to these places. Implying that migration, and not living one's days in sewer water or suffering from high incidences of tuberculosis engendered by these very deficits in physical and state infrastructures, is the main problem experienced by the poorest of Brazilians.
Aren't you suppose to be the critical and erring Left, and not another wheel in the machine that reproduces mainstream discourse, reinforcing these flawed understandings?
Tuesday, June 11, 2013
Garbage, Favelas, and the Politics of Olympic Fitness of Nation-states
They're currently finishing an Olympic swimming pool next to the favela of
Rocinha, in Rio de Janeiro, where I live. In other news from the hood, the open
sewage canal that runs through Rocinha's lower parts is used for non-Olympic
sport by its children.
A standard account of Brazil
can be summarily narrated as follows: the country's high GINI coefficient
encapsulates a reality of a very rich few, a very poor majority, and
despite a growing middle class resulting from recent economic gains Brazil continues
to be a generally unequal place. Beyond highlighting this now obvious social
landscape of inequity and inequality, such contrasts levy a more global accusation.
They take to task the shaky judgments of those who hold that the Games, and
mega events moreover, can take place in some countries, such as Brazil, but not
in others. Apparently there is a natural moral geography to who can be granted
a bid.
Following this hypothesis,
retrospectively we should have been aghast that Qatar won the seat for the 2022
World Cup, more so even than if any other country had come out on top. And many
people were. The British press was particularly livid, finding an opening to
jab at the inadequacies of Qatari infrastructure. Lately, state and municipal
patrons have come to justify such sporting events by touting their tangible
"legacies.” The Olympic Games in particular have been able to garner
broad-based legitimacy based on their potential to catalyze the modernization
of host country infrastructure. The recent 2012 London Olympics had been
defended along these lines.
Clearly, then, there is
something more to disputing the competency of Qatar’s construction industry in
light of Doha’s burgeoning skyline. These assaults on the number of hotel rooms
and stadiums cloaked the core of a stance that quickly became undressed: Qatar
was an inconceivable choice because it was a morally unsound candidate. Terrorism,
the treatment of women, and the outlawing of homosexuality in Qatar were just
some of the chips picked out and thrown onto the scale that out-weighed its suitability
for World Cup hosting.
Reviving Failed States through the Categorization of
Olympic Candidates
We should look askance when complex societal problems facilitated or coerced by nation-states are distilled to a select few that can be easily referenced to sort the rotten tomatoes from the ripe ones. Why are we compelled to play such sorting games, in the first place? I am not implying that we cannot have strong opinions about other parts of the world other than our own, or that these concerns are not related to any empirical value. But being critical of the policies of nation-states should not be equivalent to embracing dogmatic moral categorizations, where the problems with such taxonomies are manifold.
In the words of pedagogue Patti Lather, “to put into categories is an act of power.” In this sense, the battles for mega event bids are the products of a larger geopolitical war of selecting ethical categories that are readily propped up and then slammed down to delegitimize contenders. Human rights violations that we all generally agree to are emphasized but can simultaneously crowd out of sight other social problems. This includes many urgent infrastructural needs that have yet to be popularly recognized and branded as “rights.”
We should look askance when complex societal problems facilitated or coerced by nation-states are distilled to a select few that can be easily referenced to sort the rotten tomatoes from the ripe ones. Why are we compelled to play such sorting games, in the first place? I am not implying that we cannot have strong opinions about other parts of the world other than our own, or that these concerns are not related to any empirical value. But being critical of the policies of nation-states should not be equivalent to embracing dogmatic moral categorizations, where the problems with such taxonomies are manifold.
In the words of pedagogue Patti Lather, “to put into categories is an act of power.” In this sense, the battles for mega event bids are the products of a larger geopolitical war of selecting ethical categories that are readily propped up and then slammed down to delegitimize contenders. Human rights violations that we all generally agree to are emphasized but can simultaneously crowd out of sight other social problems. This includes many urgent infrastructural needs that have yet to be popularly recognized and branded as “rights.”
Imperative social services like
sanitation are among them, and some of the most dire in the future World Cup
and Olympic host city of Rio de Janeiro. In a slum like Rocinha, the lack of
sanitation and waste collection continues to breed dengue and tuberculosis,
especially during the warm summer months. Also of special significance, infants
and young children are more likely than older children and adults to develop
life-threatening forms of many of these diseases. Despite the widely acclaimed
successes of UPP pacification, the city is still trying to take full account of
these public services that were originally under the jurisdiction of
traffickers.
Hegemonic media outlets control the tone and content of this public discussion, but the use of these manageable sets to identify deviant states or even “failed” states also simplifies our political understandings. Together, they direct and redirect our attention to what is important, where we place our moral outrage as cosmopolitan citizens. As a BRIC member, public officials and private investors would like to replace the previous outline of Brazil with a “Brazil on the rise,” the upcoming economic and political leader of Latin America. This is promoted in some measure by displacing our attention to other offenders, encouraging an amnesia to the original controversies raised following Rio’s win, which the work of favela residents, public defenders, and human rights activists in Rio and abroad urge us not to forget.
Hegemonic media outlets control the tone and content of this public discussion, but the use of these manageable sets to identify deviant states or even “failed” states also simplifies our political understandings. Together, they direct and redirect our attention to what is important, where we place our moral outrage as cosmopolitan citizens. As a BRIC member, public officials and private investors would like to replace the previous outline of Brazil with a “Brazil on the rise,” the upcoming economic and political leader of Latin America. This is promoted in some measure by displacing our attention to other offenders, encouraging an amnesia to the original controversies raised following Rio’s win, which the work of favela residents, public defenders, and human rights activists in Rio and abroad urge us not to forget.
There is a large part of the
country that is not rising, but rather mobilizing around key urban issues.
Prominent among them are the most vulnerable of Brazilian citizens who still live
in squalor at the hands of state and municipal strategic planning that favor
swimming pools and the metallic gleam of cable cars to the provision of fundamental
public services. Their local contestation of the institutional landscape of
sanitation and trash management is unraveling this optimistic image of a Brazil
transformed.
As today's June downpour falls and ruffles the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Area, the many steep and narrow concrete alleyways of Rocinha have turned into lethal chutes of storm water runoff. The children of my alleyway delight in the rapids of the muck. Allowing kids to grow up in nefarious brews of feces and dog shit peppered with chemicals and electronic waste is not a "small thing." It is an active abuse of human rights, whether or not the mainstream Left decides to cling to a provincial rubric.
As today's June downpour falls and ruffles the Rio de Janeiro Metropolitan Area, the many steep and narrow concrete alleyways of Rocinha have turned into lethal chutes of storm water runoff. The children of my alleyway delight in the rapids of the muck. Allowing kids to grow up in nefarious brews of feces and dog shit peppered with chemicals and electronic waste is not a "small thing." It is an active abuse of human rights, whether or not the mainstream Left decides to cling to a provincial rubric.
Tuesday, January 22, 2013
GIS, reflections on data collection, and the Brazilian census
I recently took my first introductory GIS course, where the final project aimed to tie together all of the spatial analysis tools we had surveyed, but had yet to sufficiently chew on. I'll likely expand on this post later to extol the benefits of a course in GIS for researchers and planners (contingent on the pedagogy and experience of the instructor, clearly), its use in training capable decoders and critics of the visual information with which we are inundated daily as modern men and women, etc. But for now I'd like to touch upon the more immediate, practical issue that all novices, like myself, will confront in the initial stages of any research design: bad data, old data, or an apparent lack of any data.
Let's not be sloppy, simply because we're foreign and not "in the know."
This post was actually inspired by the intraweb trails of a French doctoral student. He too had been posting questions to various Brazilian forums, inquiring in Portuguese about where to find shapefiles of the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo for his dissertation. Several geographers conventionally pointed him toward Centro de Estudos da Metropole, a site which provides very useful information and geographic data, and is sponsored by various institutional arms of the State of São Paulo. This site is highly recommended if you are researching any issue related to cities and urban areas in Brazil.
However, the shapefiles supplied by CEM are mostly stale shelf stock from the 2000 census. Census tracts have been redefined or have been newly created in many parts of Brazil since then. In addition, many of these shapefiles are already joined to tables with basic census demographics, created for practitioners and planners learning TerraView, the Brazilian/Latin American opensource mapping platform created as an alternative to ArcGIS (which is often too costly and too "elaborate" for the purposes and, arguably, the skill sets available to many Brazilian municipalities). Hence, these outdated shapefiles may also prove unwieldy and loaded with fields that you might otherwise not need, depending on your research question.
Well, unfortunately, it appears that our anonymous cyber colleague settled on the 2000 census data, since there is no evidence in the forum that he was redirected to the main source for the 2010 census: The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) website. His digital footprint leads us to assume that he handed in a doctoral dissertation in 2011 to make a contemporary observation about Brazil, using really old data from 2000.
Perhaps this was an isolated case? Perhaps foreign researchers are rarely encumbered by language barriers, research cultures, or their own natural unwillingness to undertake the frequently arduous task to find up-to-date and, importantly, clean data? My own skepticism remains in tact...
Oh yeah, and I read a study authored by an unnamed scholar who also works for the World Bank, who had also employed the 2000 census to make a non-comparative, contemporary statement about Brazil...So it's not just a junior researcher "thang." And probably not just a Brazilianist "thang," either.
Where and how to find shapefiles and demographic data for the most recent Brazilian Census (2010) (in English)
All census data (statistics, shapefiles) can be downloaded directly from The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), following a presidential decree signed by Lula to make such information available. The following example is of São Paulo, but other cities could be found by querying a different name.
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics
http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/default.php
Shapefiles of census tract boundaries:
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics - Geociencias
1. From the IBGE homepage, navigate to “download”.
2. On the left-hand panel, click on “geociencias”.
(http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/download/geociencias.shtm)
3. Follow the path “malhas_digitais/censo_2010/”.
4. To download shapefiles of 2010 census tracts of the São Paulo Metropolitan Region, click
“setores_censitarios” and download “sp.zip (14942 kB)”.
5. To download shapefiles of favelas of Brazil, click “aglomerados_subnormais/shape” and download
“aglomerados_subnormais2010_setores.zip (6555 kB)”.
The following shapefiles for metropolitan region of São Paulo and favleas:
• 35DSE250GC_SIR.shp
• 35MUE250GC_SIR.shp
• AglomeradosSubnormais2010_SetoresCensitarios.shp
Excel spreadsheets containing 2010 census data of the São Paulo Metropolitan Region:
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics - Estatistica
1. From the IBGE homepage, navigate to “download”.
2. On the left-hand panel, click on “estatistica”.
3. Follow the path “Censos/ Censo_Demografico_2010/ Resultados_do_Universo/
4. Download “Base_informacoes_setores_2010_universo_SP_Capital.zip (165470 kB)”.
The following data sheets contain more commonly used information, such as household income, age, literacy. The guide on how to read the census spreadsheet is also located in the 2010 census download:
• DomicilioRenda_SP1
• Domicilio01_SP1
• pessoa01_sp1
• Basico_SP1
• pessoa13_sp1
Let's not be sloppy, simply because we're foreign and not "in the know."
This post was actually inspired by the intraweb trails of a French doctoral student. He too had been posting questions to various Brazilian forums, inquiring in Portuguese about where to find shapefiles of the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo for his dissertation. Several geographers conventionally pointed him toward Centro de Estudos da Metropole, a site which provides very useful information and geographic data, and is sponsored by various institutional arms of the State of São Paulo. This site is highly recommended if you are researching any issue related to cities and urban areas in Brazil.
However, the shapefiles supplied by CEM are mostly stale shelf stock from the 2000 census. Census tracts have been redefined or have been newly created in many parts of Brazil since then. In addition, many of these shapefiles are already joined to tables with basic census demographics, created for practitioners and planners learning TerraView, the Brazilian/Latin American opensource mapping platform created as an alternative to ArcGIS (which is often too costly and too "elaborate" for the purposes and, arguably, the skill sets available to many Brazilian municipalities). Hence, these outdated shapefiles may also prove unwieldy and loaded with fields that you might otherwise not need, depending on your research question.
Well, unfortunately, it appears that our anonymous cyber colleague settled on the 2000 census data, since there is no evidence in the forum that he was redirected to the main source for the 2010 census: The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) website. His digital footprint leads us to assume that he handed in a doctoral dissertation in 2011 to make a contemporary observation about Brazil, using really old data from 2000.
Perhaps this was an isolated case? Perhaps foreign researchers are rarely encumbered by language barriers, research cultures, or their own natural unwillingness to undertake the frequently arduous task to find up-to-date and, importantly, clean data? My own skepticism remains in tact...
Oh yeah, and I read a study authored by an unnamed scholar who also works for the World Bank, who had also employed the 2000 census to make a non-comparative, contemporary statement about Brazil...So it's not just a junior researcher "thang." And probably not just a Brazilianist "thang," either.
Where and how to find shapefiles and demographic data for the most recent Brazilian Census (2010) (in English)
All census data (statistics, shapefiles) can be downloaded directly from The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), following a presidential decree signed by Lula to make such information available. The following example is of São Paulo, but other cities could be found by querying a different name.
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics
http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/default.php
Shapefiles of census tract boundaries:
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics - Geociencias
1. From the IBGE homepage, navigate to “download”.
2. On the left-hand panel, click on “geociencias”.
(http://www.ibge.gov.br/home/download/geociencias.shtm)
3. Follow the path “malhas_digitais/censo_2010/”.
4. To download shapefiles of 2010 census tracts of the São Paulo Metropolitan Region, click
“setores_censitarios” and download “sp.zip (14942 kB)”.
5. To download shapefiles of favelas of Brazil, click “aglomerados_subnormais/shape” and download
“aglomerados_subnormais2010_setores.zip (6555 kB)”.
The following shapefiles for metropolitan region of São Paulo and favleas:
• 35DSE250GC_SIR.shp
• 35MUE250GC_SIR.shp
• AglomeradosSubnormais2010_SetoresCensitarios.shp
Excel spreadsheets containing 2010 census data of the São Paulo Metropolitan Region:
The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics - Estatistica
1. From the IBGE homepage, navigate to “download”.
2. On the left-hand panel, click on “estatistica”.
3. Follow the path “Censos/ Censo_Demografico_2010/ Resultados_do_Universo/
4. Download “Base_informacoes_setores_2010_universo_SP_Capital.zip (165470 kB)”.
The following data sheets contain more commonly used information, such as household income, age, literacy. The guide on how to read the census spreadsheet is also located in the 2010 census download:
• DomicilioRenda_SP1
• Domicilio01_SP1
• pessoa01_sp1
• Basico_SP1
• pessoa13_sp1
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